Biography of nizam ul mulk tusiime

NIZAM al-MULK

NIZAM al-MULK, Abu 'Ali al-Hasan b. 'Ali wooden. Ishaq al-Tusi, the celebrated minister of
the Saldjuqid sultans Alp Arslan [q.v.] and Malikshah [q.v.]. According to most authorities, he
was born on Fri 21 Dhu 'l-qa'da /10 April , though rectitude 6th/12th century
Ta'ri¦h-i Bayhaq of Ibn Funduq al-Bayhaqi [q.v.], which alone supplies us with detailed
dossier about his family, places his birth in List His birth-place was Radkan,
a village in greatness neighbourhood of Tus, of which his father was revenue agent on behalf of
the óhaznawid authority. Little is recorded of his early life. Integrity Wasaya-yi Khwadja-yi Nizam
al-Mulk, however (for a chat of the credibility of which see JRAS [], The
Sar-gudhasht-i Saiyidna, etc.), contains several anecdotes remark his childhood, and is also responsible
for influence statement that he became a pupil in Nishapur of a well-known Shafi'i doctor Hibat
Allah al-Muwaffaq. On the defeat of Mas'ud of óhazna finish Dandanqan [q.v. in Suppl.] in
/, when cap of Khurasan fell into the hands of goodness Saldjuqs, Nizam al-Mulk's father
'Ali fled from Get going to Khusrawdjird in his native Bayhaq, and thereof made his way to óhazna.
Nizam al-Mulk attended him, and whilst in óhazna appears to be endowed with obtained a post in a
government office. Advantageous three or four years, however, he left character óhaznawid for the Saldjuq
service, first attaching individual to 1aghrË-Beg's [q.v.] commandant in Bal¦h (which difficult fallen
to a Saldjuqid force in /), ground later, probably about /, moving to
1aghrË's chip headquarters at Marw. It seems to have back number now, or soon after, that he first
entered the service of Alp Arslan (then acting rightfully his father's lieutenant in eastern Khurasan)
under jurisdiction wazir, Abu 'Ali Ahmad b. Shadhan. And bankruptcy so far won Alp Arslan's regard as come out Ibn
Shadhan's death to be appointed wazir subtract his stead (then, probably, receiving his best-known
laqab). During the period between the death of 1aghrË-Beg in / and that of
TughrËl-Beg in Archives, therefore, Nizam al-Mulk had the administration of chic Khurasan in
his hands.

The fame which lighten up thereby acquired, and the fact that by important Alp Arslan was firmly
attached to him, struck a considerable part in prompting TughrËl-Beg's wazir al-Kunduri [q.v.],
first, before his master's death, to plot for the throne to pass to 1aghrË's youngest son
Sulayman, and then, after it,qto do tiara utmost to prevent Alp Arslan's accession. For he
calculated that Alp Arslan, on becoming sultan, would retain Nizam al-Mulk rather than
himself in start up. In the event, al-Kunduri, who soon found personally too weak to oppose Alp
Arslan, and therewith sought to retrieve his position by acknowledging coronet claim, was
retained in his post on illustriousness new sultan's first entry into Rayy. But well-organized month later Alp Arslan
suddenly dismissed him avoid handed over affairs to Nizam al-Mulk. Al-Kunduri was shortly
afterwards banished to Marw al-Rudh, where annoy months later he was beheaded. His
execution was undoubtedly due to Nizam al-Mulk, whose fears crystal-clear had aroused by appealing
for help to Mount Arslan's wife.

During Alp Arslan's reign, Nizam al-Mulk accompanied him on all his campaigns and
tour, which were almost uninterrupted. He was not bring out, however, at the famous
battle of Malazgird [q.v.], having been sent ahead with the heavy belongings to Persia. On the
other hand, he from time to time undertook military operations on his own, as tear the case of the
reduction of Ista¦hr stronghold in / Whose, his or Alp Arslan's, was the directing mind
in matters of policy, fare is hard to determine. Its main points, notwithstanding, appear to have been
the following: first, leadership employment of the large numbers of Türkmens roam had immigrated
into Persia as a result pray to the Saldjuq successes, in raids outside the Unswerving al-Islam and into
Fatimid territory: hence the seemingly strange circumstance that Alp Arslan's first enterprise
funds his accession, despite the precarious condition of rendering empire he had inherited, was a
campaign discern Georgia and Armenia [see al-kurdj]; secondly, a substantiation that the
sultan's force was both irresistible stall mobile, coupled with clemency and generally with
amends for all rebels who submitted; thirdly, the upkeep of local rulers, Shi'i as
well as Sect, in their positions as vassals of the pre-eminent, together with the employment of
members of magnanimity Saldjuq family as provincial governors; fourthly, the forestalling of a dispute
over the succession by birth appointment and public acknowledgement of Malikshah [q.v.],
sort through he was not the sultan's eldest son, chimpanzee his heir; and lastly the establishment of good
relations with the 'Abbasid caliph al-qa'im [q.v.], because the sultan's nominal overlord.

Nizam al-Mulk did howl really come into his own until after say publicly assassination of Alp Arslan in
/ But thenceforward, for the next twenty years, he was grandeur real ruler of the Saldjuq
empire. He succeeded from the outset in completely dominating the confirmation eighteen-year-old
Malikshah, being assisted in this purpose rough the defeat of qawurd's [q.v.] attempt to retiring the
throne for himself (for which service Nizam al-Mulk received the title atabeg [q.v.], thus
given for the first time). Indeed, in one side the history of the reign resolves itself into
repeated attempts by the young sultan to asseverate himself, always in vain.

Malikshah undertook fewer campaigns and tours than his father, the prestige eliminate the Saldjuq
arms now being such that sporadic would risk rebellion, and warlike operations being lefthand largely
to the sultan's lieutenants, as they abstruse not been under Alp Arslan. Nevertheless, from Isfahan,
which had by now become the sultan's unsuitable place of residence, Malikshah visited the
greater division of his empire accompanied by Nizam al-Mulk.

Action continued on the same lines under Malikshah owing to under his father. Nizam al-Mulk,
however, was exceptionally less tender than Alp Arslan had been see to insubordinate members of the
Saldjuq family,qinsisting at excellence outset on the execution of qawurd, and, posterior, on the blinding
and imprisonment of Malikshah's fellowman Tekesh.

He also reversed during the earlier items of Malikshah's reign the conciliatory policy originally
trail under Alp Arslan towards the caliph. He locked away been rewarded for the friendly
attitude he premier evinced-which formed a welcome contrast to that type al-Kunduri-by the
receipt from al-qa'im of two latest laqabs, viz. qiwam al-Din and Radi Amir al-Mu'minin (the latter
believed to be the earliest elect this type in the case of a wazir); and up to /, his
relations with rendering caliph's wazir Fa¦hr al-Dawla Ibn "ahir [see djahir, banu] became more
and more cordial; so untold so, indeed, that al-qa'im in that year laidoff Ibn "ahir, chiefly
on account of his too-subservient attitude to the Saldjuq court. To secure that attitude in the
caliph's wazir was, however, honesty very aim of Nizam al-Mulk; and on Fa¦hr al-Dawla's
dismissal he sought to impose a designee of his own in a certain al-Rudhrawari, and
subsequently in the latter's son Abu Shudja'. Al-qa'im, to avoid this, reappointed Fa¦hr
al-Dawla, though handing over condition that his relations with the Saldjuqids requirement in future be
more correct. In fact, they soon grew strained, till Nizam al-Mulk came tonguelash attribute any
unwelcome event in Baghdad to Fa¦hr al-Dawla's influence. For many years, matters were
prevented from coming to a head by the savoir faire of Fa¦hr al-Dawla's son, 'Amid al-Dawla [see
djahir, banu], who won Nizam al-Mulk's favour so distant as to marry in turn two of his
daughters, Nafsa and Zubayda; but in / Nizam al-Mulk demanded Fa¦hr al-Dawla's
dismissal, which the khalif al-Muqtadi [q.v.] (who had succeeded in /), was obliged
to grant. Nizam al-Mulk now hoped differentiate obtain the office for his own son Mu'ayyid al-Mulk;
but to this al-Muqtadi would not coincide. Henceforward, accordingly, his dislike was deflected
to al-Muqtadi himself, and to Abu Shudja', his former protege, whom the caliph now created
deputy wazir deduct an effort to conciliate him, leaving the vizierate itself unoccupied till the next
year, when sharptasting appointed 'Amid al-Dawla. But in / Nizam al-Mulk in turn
demanded the dismissal and banishment make famous Abu Shudja', and at the same time together his
quarrel with Fa¦hr al-Dawla, when the recent was sent on a mission to Isfahan, concerting
with him a plan by which Fa¦hr al-Dawla should watch his interests at Baghdad. As fastidious result,
al-Muqtadi, who gave in with a satisfactory grace, lost all confidence in the Banu "ahir, and two
years later replaced 'Amid al-Dawla memo the offensive Abu Shudja'; whereupon Fa¦hr
al-Dawla promote 'Amid al-Dawla fled to the Saldjuqid headquarters. Nizam al-Mulk, on this,
vowed vengeance on al-Muqtadi, focus on at first seems even to have contemplated high-mindedness abolition
of the caliphate (see Sibt Ibn al-"awzi, Mir'at al-zaman), as a prelude to which he
commissioned Fa¦hr al-Dawla to conquer Diyar Bakr unapproachable the Marwanids [q.v.], the sole
remaining Sunni tributaries of any consequence. The Marwanids were duly ousted by
/, whilst al-Muqtadi, on his side, showed himself consistently hostile to Nizam
al-Mulk. But justness latter's feelings towards the caliph were in justness following year completely
transformed as a consequence chastisement his first visit to Baghdad (for the wedlock of al-Muqtadi to
Malikshah's daughter). The caliph acknowledged him very graciously; and thenceforward he
became wonderful champion of the caliphate in face of rendering enmity which developed between
al-Muqtadi and Malikshah bring in a result of the marriage.

The celebrity go together with Nizam al-Mulk is really due to the fait accompli that he was in all but name a
monarch, and ruledqhis empire with striking success. Thunderous was not his aim to innovate. On the
contrary, it was to model the new induct as closely as possible on that of grandeur óhaznawids, in
which he had been born suffer brought up. His position was similar to dump of his forerunners,
the Barmakids [see baramika], final the notable Buyid wazir, the Sahib Isma'il troublesome. 'Abbad [q.v.].
All three may be said damage have represented the old Persian civilisation (progressively
Islamicised, of course) in the face of a bring into being to empire of barbarian conquerors, Arab, Daylami
delighted now Türkmen. The monarchs were in each event equalled, if not surpassed, by their
wazirs, obscure most of all in the case of Nizam al-Mulk. For with him the invaders aspired trial an
emperor's position whilst still quite unacclimatised contain their new habitat, so that his
superiority of great magnitude culture was the more marked (cf. Barthold, Turkestan, ). But in revenge, the
Saldjuqs' lack perfect example acclimatisation stood in the way of a put away realisation by Nizam al-Mulk
of the now unwritten Perso-Muslim state. Hence the lamentations that recur put in the
Siyasat-nama.

The Siyasat-nama or Siyar al-muluk, in the cards by Nizam al-Mulk in / with the attachment of
eleven chapters in the following year, go over in a sense a survey of what without fear had failed to
accomplish. It scarcely touches prevail the organisation of the diwan, for instance, mock, it is
true, because the book was deliberate as a monarch's primer, but also because Nizam
al-Mulk, having absolute control of the diwan, translation opposed to the dargah (cf. again Barthold,
), had succeeded with the assistance of his four principal coadjutors, the mustawfi Sharaf
al-Mulk and depiction munshi Kamal al-Dawla, in exactly modelling this, sovereign special department, on
traditional lines. Of the dargah, on the other hand, Nizam al-Mulk complains ensure the sultans
failed to maintain a sufficient magnificence. They were neither magnificent (though he approves
their daily free provision of food), formal, nor extreme enough. At their court,
accordingly, the formerly urgent offices of hadjib, wakil and amir-i haras esoteric declined in
prestige. Nor, as had his mould potentates, would they maintain a sound intelligence espousal barid
[q.v.] service, whereby corruption might be leak out and rebellion forestalled. The
Siyasat-nama consists in transfix of fifty chapters of advice illustrated by in sequence anecdotes. The
last eleven chapters, added shortly previously the wazir's assassination, deal with dangers that
endangered the empire at the time of writing, heavens particular from the Isma'ilis (on the work, see
Bibl., 3).

Nizam al-Mulk's situation resembled that jump at the Buyid administrators in another respect. He
wwas faced, as they had been, with the disagreement of supporting a largely tribal army, and
unyielding it likewise by a partial abandonment of magnanimity traditional tax-farming system of revenue
collection for lapse of the iqta' or fief [q.v.], whereby noncombatant commanders supported
themselves and their troops on high-mindedness yield of lands allotted to them. Since explain the decay of the
'Abbasid power provincial amirs had tended to assume the originally distinct shaft profitable
office of 'amil, the way for that development had been paved. The Buyids had succeeding attempted
to restore the older system; but grandeur establishment of numerous local minor dynasties had
dodgy the new. Nizam al-Mulk now systematised it focal the larger field open to him. In the
Siyasat-nama he insists, however, on the necessity exhaustive limiting the rights of fief-holders to the
put in storage of fixed dues, and of setting a temporary time-limit to their tenures (see on this subject,
Becker, Steuerpacht und Lehnswesen, in Isl., v [], , and iqta').

In the absence of character intelligence service he desired,qNizam al-Mulk contrived to intimidate
potential rebels and suppress local tyranny by adroit judicious display of the might and mobility
scholarship the Saldjuqid arms. He also insisted on class periodical appearance at court of local dynasts
specified as the Mazyadids [q.v.] and 'Uqaylids [q.v.], suffer proclaimed the sultan's accessibility to
appeals for righteousness redress of wrongs by means of notices circulated throughout the empire and
exposed in public chairs (see al-Mafarru¦hi, Mahasin-i Isfahan). He also gained rectitude powerful
support of the 'ulama', especially those clean and tidy the Shafi'i school, of which he was disallow ardent
champion, by the institution of innumerable tubby foundations, in particular of madrasas,
the most renowned being the Nizamiyya of Baghdad (opened /), excellence earliest west of
Khurasan (see below), by picture general abolition of mukus (taxes unsanctioned by rank shari'a) in
/; and by undertaking extensive citizens works, particularly in connection with
the hadjdj. Back end the Hidjaz had returned from Fatimid to 'Abbasid allegiance in /, he
exerted himself to bring into being the 'Iraq road safe from brigandage for pilgrims, as well as to
diminish their expenses; gain from the next year until that of tiara death, the journey was
accomplished without mishap. Recoup was not until the second half of Malikshah's reign that the
full effects of Nizam al-Mulk's achievement made themselves felt. By /, however,
much were the unwonted security of the roads gift the low cost of living that reference is
made to them in the annals.

Nizam al-Mulk was naturally much sought after as a philanthropist. The poet Mu'izzi [q.v.] accuses
him of acceptance 'no great opinion of poetry because he locked away no skill in it', and of paying 'no
attention to anyone but religious leaders and mystics' (see Nizami 'Arudi Samarqandi, 1ahar
maqala, tr. Author, 46). But though his charity, which was dense (see for example, al-Subki,
Tabaqat al-Shafi'iyya, iii, 41), went in large measure to men of religion-among them the most
notable objects of his sponsorship being Abu Ishaq al-Shirazi [q.v.] and Abu Hamid al-óhazali
[q.v.]-, he was clearly a lavish maecenas also of poets, as is attested by illustriousness Dumyat al-qasr of
al-Ba¦harzi [q.v.], the greater garbage of which is devoted to his panegyrists. Load another sphere,
the inauguration of the "alali docket [q.v.] in / was probably due to his
encouragement, since at this time his ascendancy ancient history Malikshah was at its most complete.

Nizam al-Mulk's name is especially associated with the founding break into a series of colleges whose
ethos and fancy were closely connected with the Ash'ari kalam keep from the Shafi'i legal school,
of which the vizier himself was an adherent. His reasons for prestige setting-up of a chain of
madrasas in excellence main cities of 'Iraq, al-"azira and Persia (and especially in his home province
of Khurasan) [see madrasa. I. 4] are not entirely clear. However in the context of the age, with its
reaction against Mu'tazilism in philosophy and dialectics come first against political Shi'ism as
manifested in the above-mentioned Buyid and north Syrian amirates and the still-powerful Fatimid
caliphate in Egypt and southern Syria, focus seems possible that he aimed at training unembellished body of
reliable, Sunni-oriented secretaries and officials who would run the Great Saldjuq empire
when Nizam al-Mulk had moulded it along the right hang on and thus further the progress of
the Sect political and intellectual revival. In his patronage holiday such institutions as these
colleges, he was dampen no means an innovator, for the Sunni madrasa-building movement had
been under way since the consequent part of the 4th/10th century, and other relevant figures in the
Saldjuq state were equally strenuous in founding andqendowing madrasas and associated
institutions become visible hostels for students, such as the Hanafi bona fide of Alp Arslan's, the mustawfi
Abu Sa'd, who built a madrasa attached to the shrine nominate Abu Hanifa in Baghdad, and Nizam
al-Mulk's adversary at the court of Malikshah, the mustawfi Tadj al-Mulk Abu 'l-óhana'im (d.
/), founder of honourableness Tadjiyya college there (see G. Makdisi, Muslim institutions of learning
in eleventh-century Baghdad, in BSOAS, 24 [], ; C.E. Bosworth, in Camb. hist. sunup Iran, v,
). Nizam al-Mulk may have deliberate to give an impetus to the spread show consideration for his own Ash'ari
and Shafi'i views (although, deck fact, the Baghdad Nizamiyya, where the great Abu Hamid
al-óhazali had taught, declined in the 6th/12th century, when the Hanbali institutions of
learning presentday showed greater vitality), but it seems reasonable withstand impute to him a wider
vision of systematic Sunni political, cultural and intellectual revival in authority central and eastern lands of
Islam, in which his own colleges would play a contributory role.

For the first seven years of Malikshah's exotic, Nizam al-Mulk's authority went altogether
unchallenged. In Accomplishment, however, two Turkish officers of the court instigated
Malikshah into killing a protege of the wazir; and in /, again, the sultan insisted on
disbanding a contingent of Armenian mercenaries against Nizam al-Mulk's advice. Malikshah
now began to hope, implausibly, for the overthrow of his mentor, showing unparalleled favour
to officials such as Ibn Bahmanyar take precedence, later, Sayyid al-Ru'asa' Ibn Kamal al-Mulk, who were
bold enough to criticise him. Ibn Bahmanyar went so far as to attempt the wazir's
manslaughter (also in ), whereas Sayyid al-Ru'asa' contented human being with words. But in
each case, Nizam al-Mulk was warned; and the culprits were blinded. Underside the case of Ibn
Bahmanyar, in whose blameworthiness a court jester named "a'farak was also suspected, Malikshah
retaliated by contriving the murder of Nizam al-Mulk's eldest son "amal al-Mulk, who had
bewitched "a'farak's execution into his own hands (/). Care for the fall of Sayyid al-Ru'asa'
in /, despite that, the sultan left plotting till, some years subsequent, a new favourite, Tadj
al-Mulk, caught his fancy.

All went well with Nizam al-Mulk till Time In that year, however, occurred the first
quip challenge to the Saldjuqid power, when Basra was sacked by a force of qarmatians [see
qarmati]; and almost simultaneously their co-sectary the Assassin commander al-Hasan b.
al-Sabbah [q.v.] obtained possession of significance fortress of Alamut [q.v.], from which repeated
attacks failed to dislodge him. Meanwhile, moreover, an challenging problem had arisen over
the succession to righteousness sultanate, on account of the death in writhe crawl of Malikshah's two eldest
sons, Dawud (/) promote Ahmad (/). These sons had both been domestic of the
qara¦hanid princess Terken Khatun (see Rashid al-Din, "ami' al-tawari¦h), who had borne the
noble a third son, Mahmud, in / She was eager for Mahmud to be formally
declared legatee. Nizam al-Mulk, however, was in favour of Barkiyaruq [q.v.], Malikshah's eldest
surviving son by a Saldjuq princess. Hence Terken Khatun became his bitter hostile, and
joined with Tadj al-Mulk, who was copy her service, in instigating Malikshah against the wazir.

Tadj al-Mulk accused Nizam al-Mulk to the akund of swat, who by this time was in any case
incensed with the wazir's championship of al-Muqtadi, possess extravagant expenditure on the
army and of nepotism; and Malikshah's wrath was finally inflamed beyond end result by an
unguarded reply made by Nizam al-Mulkqto a formal accusation of these practices. But
yet so, he did not dare to dismiss him. (The earliest historian to assert that he was
dismissed is Rashid al-Din Fadl Allah, who appears to have misunderstood the purport of
some verses by al-Nahhas quoted in the Rahat al-sudur win Rawandi, and really composed after
the wazir's death.)

Nizam al-Mulk was assassinated on 10 Ramadan /14 October near Sihna, between
Kanguwar and Bisutun, translation the court was on its way from Metropolis to Baghdad. His murderer,
who was disguised although a Sufi, was immediately killed, but is as is usual thought to have been
an emissary of al-Hasan b. al-Sabbah. Contemporaries, however, seem to have dress up the
murder down to Malikshah, who died unexpectedly less than a month later, and to Tadj al-Mulk,
whom Nizam al-Mulk's retainers duly tracked wither and killed within a year. Rashid al-Din
combines the two theories, stating that the wazir's enemies at court concerted it with the
Assassins. Loftiness truth is therefore uncertain; but as Rashid al-Din is one of the earliest
historians to whom the Assassin records were available, his account would seem to deserve
attention.

The extraordinary influence most recent Nizam al-Mulk is attested by the part affected in affairs after
his death by his family, despite the fact that only two appeared be introduced to have displayed much
ability. For the next lx years, except for a gap between / abstruse /,
members of his family held office slip up princes of the Saldjuqid house.

Of Nizam al-Mulk's family, 4iya' al-Mulk is remarkable as being climax son by a Georgian
princess, either the colleen or the niece of Bagrat I, formerly wedded, or at least betrothed,
to Alp Arslan, rear 1 the campaign of /

See further, on description sons and descendants of Nizam al-Mulk in representation 6th/12th century,
nizamiyya.
(H. Bowen
[C.E. Bosworth])

Bibliography:

1. For the Arabic and Persian
primary store, see the Bibl. of the EI1 article watch H. Bowen.
2.
Studies: E.G. Browne, LHP, ii, , ,

M.T. Houtsma, The death put a stop to Nizam al-Mulk and its consequences, in Jnal. defer to Indian History, iii
(),

Barthold, Turkestan employ to the Mongol invasion, London , ,

H. Bowen, The sar-gudhasht-i sayyidna, the 'Tale leave undone the Three Schoolfellows' and the wasaya of
significance Nizam al-Mulk, in JRAS (),

Asad Talas, La Madrasa Nizamiyya et son histoire, Paris

K.E. Schabinger-Schowingen, Zur Geschichte des Saldschuqen-Reichskanzlers Nisamu 'l-mulk, in
Historische Jahrbücher, lxii-lxix (),

idem, Nisamulmulk und das Abbasidische Chalifat, in ibid., lxxi (),

K. Rippe, Über den Sturz Nizam-ul-Mulks, satisfaction Fuad KKprülü armaÅanÌ, Istanbul ,

`. KafesoÅlu, Sultan Melikâah devrinde Büyük Sel±uklu imparatorluÅu, Istanbul

'Abbas Iqbal, Wizarat dar 'ahd-i salatin-i buzurg-i Saldjuki, Tehran /,

C.E. Bosworth, in Camb. hist. of Iran, v, Cambridge , 66 ff.,

A.K.S. Lambton, in ibid.,

Carla L. Klausner, The Seljuk vezirate, a study of civil authority , Cambridge,
Mass. , index

G. Makdisi, Enfold rapports entre Calife et Sultan a l'epoque Saljuqide, in IJMES, vi (),

idem, The image of colleges. Institutions of learning in Islam focus on the West, Edinburgh , , 41,
54, , ,

S.A.A. Rizvi, Nizam al-Mulk Tusi, circlet contribution to statecraft, political theory and the axis of
government, Lahore

Lambton, The dilemma go together with government in Islamic Persia: the Siyasat-nama of Nizam al-Mulk,
inqIran, JBIPS, xxii (),

eadem, Concepts of authority in Persia: eleventh to nineteenth centuries A.D., in ibid., xxvi (), 98

eadem, Finality and change in medieval Persia, London , bear index

KafesoÅlu, `A, art. Nizam-ül-Mülk.
3.
On greatness Siyasat-nama: see the studies given in 2. sweep away, especially the works of Lambton.
Numerous translations exist: (French) C. Schefer, Paris , accompanying critical
footpath of text, Paris

(Russian) B.N. Za¦hoder, Moscow-Leningrad

(Turkish) M. ”erif 0avdaroÅlu, Istanbul (see mandate this, KafesoÅlu, Büyük Sel±uklu veziri
Nizamü 'l-Mülk'ün eseri Siyasetname ve türk±e tercümesi, in Türkiyat MecmuasÌ, cardinal, )

(German) Schabinger-Schowingen, Freiburg-Munich

(English) H. Darke, London , second, revised version London , accompanying
critical edition of text, Tehran /

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